Blog

  • Activists Fire-Bomb Ottawa Bank in Name of Indigenous Rights: What Do You Think? POLL

    Yesterday around 3:30 am, an Ottawa branch of the Royal Bank of Canada was torched in the name of “aboriginal peoples, workers and the poor” of British Columbia. It then appears the people responsible posted a video of the fire-bombing. The brief video of the actual incident is followed by a message (full text here) highlighting RBC’s major sponsorship of the 2010 Olympics “on stolen indigenous land.”

    The bombers (whose identity/affiliation remains limited to “FFFC Ottawa” until confirmed otherwise) also express their anger over the bank’s role as

    the major financier of Alberta’s tar sands [aka Oil Sands], one of the largest industrial projects in human history and perhaps the most destructive. The tar sands, now the cause of the second fastest rate of deforestation on the planet, are slated to expand several times its current size.

    By my count, at least three people can be seen in the video: presumably a cameraperson, plus two other people seen leaving the bank amidst the flames. Perhaps ironically, their getaway car was elsewhere “described only as being an SUV.”

    But there may be more irony to come: for it is by no means clear or obvious that this incident will enjoy the wide-spread support of those who reportedly “inspired” the arson — namely, indigenous peoples.

    And so, to help gauge what said peoples might think (and anyone else who cares to take part), mediaINDIGENA launches its second-ever poll: Tell us your thoughts: first by voting, then by adding your comments below!

    [polldaddy poll=”3225795″]

     

  • An Ink-stained Response to ‘Disrobing the Aboriginal Industry’ (Pt. 1)

    The following piece originally appeared in somewhat different forms in guest editorials/commentaries for Kanata (Vol. 1) and Canadian Literature: A Quarterly of Criticism and Review in its Winter 2009 (#203) issue.

    I’ve always hated pencils and erasers.

    I was first forced in grade two to use them, in handwriting class.

    My teacher said, “We use pencils and erasers because we’re just learning, and practice makes perfect. This way, we can get rid of mistakes and keep the page clean.”

    I loved pens, in all their ink-filled permanency.  Black.  Blue.  Red.  Even though I was told not to, every chance I got I filled my scribbler with blots, strokes and smudges.  Let the page be messy, I thought.  Full of my beautiful, consistent, every-few-seconds mistakes. My errors made my occasional successes that much sweeter.

    Even if I did get a D.

    Now that I’m grown up, I continue to see pencils and erasers everywhere. And though people are still learning — and hopefully all of this practice is leading somewhere (I’ve given up on perfection) — erasing and keeping the page clean has resulted in some dangerous consequences.

    For one example, take Frances Widdowson and Albert Howard’s recently-published Disrobing the Aboriginal Industry: The Deception Behind Indigenous Cultural Preservation.  In it, the authors attempt to resurrect widely discredited and blatantly Eurocentric anthropological theories of human “cultural evolution” — first suggested by Edward Tylor (1832-1917) and “refined” by Lewis Henry Morgan (1818-1881) — to argue along progressivist lines that Native societies were “savage,” “neolithic” and “barbaric,” whereas Europeans were at a more complex and advanced “stage of cultural development.” This development gap is evidenced in Aboriginal peoples not having “writing,” the “alphabet,” and “complex government institutions and legal systems” at first contact.

    According to Widdowson and Howard, it is the embracing of these “undeveloped” cultures, still steeped in “obsolete features,” that results in today’s Aboriginal peoples having “undisciplined work habits, tribal forms of political identification, animistic beliefs, and difficulties in developing abstract reasoning.” In their parameters — where European historical “development” is the linchpin of all value, complexity, and “civilization” — Widdowson and Howard of course ignore the fact that, while Native communities never had European-based alphabets and governing structures, they did have intricate signification systems (see: Anishinaabeg petroglyphs, Mayan codices, or Iroquois wampum), multidimensional governing institutions (like the Five — later Six — Nations Confederacy, clans/totems, and the “red” and “white” Muskogee Creek town councils), and diverse legal systems (embedded in such principles as reciprocity, mediation, and responsibility), worthy and meritorious on their own terms. [1]


    If Widdowson and Howard were simply practicing their Eurocentrism in their own scribblers, they should be allowed to think and write whatever they want. But instead they attempt to influence the rest of us by employing their ‘findings’ to make baffling governmental recommendations, devise a reductionist history, and “solve aboriginal problems.” Although they claim to be attacking the “Aboriginal Industry” (lawyers, consultants, anthropologists and Native peoples themselves) and “a self-serving agenda,” it is clear the authors are most interested in influencing Canadian government policy.

    In subsequent chapters, the authors:

    • call Native land claims processes delusional, anti-Canadian, and illogical (resulting in further marginalization and isolation from “productivity”);
    • declare that the current “accommodation(s)” of “aboriginal practices and beliefs” in the Canadian justice system “actually attempts to prevent justice from being served”; and
    • pronounce Aboriginal traditional “knowledge,” “spirituality” and “medicine” anti-scientific, “quackery,” and a pack of “lies.” [2]

    They also make similarly arcane points in regards to Aboriginal claims for child welfare, health care, education, and environmental management.

    We hope someday you’ll join us…

    Everyone, Widdowson and Howard argue, must get beyond the “distortions” that “aboriginal problems were caused by the destruction of viable and ‘sovereign nations’ during European conquest” and heed “objective” research (like theirs) that “proves” that Aboriginal cultures remain “undeveloped” and have little worth in today’s world. They celebrate and defend “the residential school system” as one  institution that necessarily facilitated a “civilizing” process where “components of [a] relatively simple culture” were “discarded” and a “more complex” one can enter. [3]

    The “fact” is, the authors claim,

    “obliterating” various traditions is essential to human survival. Conservation of obsolete customs deters development, and cultural evolution is the process that overcomes these obstacles. … [T]he “loss” of many cultural attributes is necessary for humans to thrive as a species in an increasingly interconnected and complex global system.

    Then, in perhaps the most ironic moment of the book, Widdowson and Howard invoke John Lennon’s “Imagine.”[4]

    The authors share their “dream” of a time when Native values based in “tribalism,” “kinship relations” and “difference” are eliminated so “we can become a global tribe and the ‘world can live as one,’” a ‘tribute’ that just might have Mr. Lennon spinning in his grave.

    Continue on to Part 2

    FOOTNOTES

    1. For reputable and detailed research on this, I recommend Charles Mann’s 1491: New Revelations of the Americas Before Columbus, or Arthur Ray’s I Have Lived Here Since the World Began: An Illustrated History of Canada’s Native People as excellent starting points.

    2. This is only a minor sampling of these authors’ grandiose statements and recommendations. For more, see chapters entitled “Land Claims: Dreaming Aboriginal Economic Development,” “Self-Government: An Inherent Right to Tribal Dictatorships,” “Justice: Rewarding Friends and Punishing Enemies” and “Traditional Knowledge: Listening to the Silence.”

    3. Widdowson and Howard claim that when Native peoples and their advocates label the “missionaries’ efforts as ‘genocide’” this “obscures” the reality that residential schools were important movements in Native “cultural development.” Although they admit that “the missionaries deserve criticism for the methods they employed in attempting to bring about this transition,” they claim that “[m]any of the activities held as destructive to aboriginal peoples — the teaching of English, the discouraging of animistic superstitions, and encouraging of self-discipline — were positive measures intended to overcome the social isolation and economic dependency that was (and continues to be) so debilitating to the native population.”

    4. The use of the song by Widdowson and Howard is ironic on several levels. “Imagine,” which appeared as the title track on John Lennon’s 1971 number-one album, is widely known as holding an anti-war, anti-violence, anti-religious, and anti-capitalistic message, which doesn’t quite mesh with the authors’ Eurocentric, assimilationist agenda, nor the interest in such violent policies as residential schools. In addition, the fact that historically the song was written in response and resistance to the Vietnam Conflict — a war devised out of nationalistic, patriotic, and ideological conformity, not to mention the deaths of 6 million people and a long-standing occupation by Americans — and experiences that virtually mirror Aboriginal peoples’ in North America, seems lost on the authors. Or, perhaps Widdowson and Howard are literally interested in Lennon’s intentions, as envisioned and embodied in his music video of “Imagine.” It features a cowboy-dressed John Lennon walking through a forest, holding hands with a stoic and Pocahontas-looking Yoko Ono, when the two discover a beautiful house, enter a room completely painted white, and a timid Ono sits mutely while Lennon sings (ending only when he decides to kiss her).

    [ Images via (busy), AmySof ]

  • Controversy Brews Anew Over Koff “Indian” Beer Ads

    The always interesting Blue Corn Comics by Rob Schmidt has recently come across a TV ad for Koff “Indian” Beer (a Carlsberg product) that Schmidt believes “emphasizes the uncomfortable connection between Indians and alcohol.”  See for yourself:


    Huh. You don’t see that very often: teepee-as-nightclub.

    Here’s another spot in the series, which I believe came out in 2007:


    I have never seen such ads in Canada, and something tells me I never will. Despite its potential for controversy, though, this is the first I’ve heard of this American Finnish-made beer or this campaign. Was that still pre-Web 2.0? Otherwise, it’s hard to imagine this not going viral.

    (Thanks too to Nadya Kwandibens for flagging this ad.)

    UPDATE: Reportedly, the commercial is only run in Switzerland; this makes sense as to why it is less known in North America.

    What do others think? Vote now in our first ever, thirst-quenching but not too filling, mediaINDIGENA Poll!

    [polldaddy poll=”3173684″]

     

  • First Nations Funding: A System Built to Fail?

    During our recent sit-down with outgoing Chief Marcel Balfour, it wasn’t long before the discussion turned to Canada’s infamous ‘2% funding cap.’ That’s the cap Indian and Northern Affairs Canada (INAC) places on annual increases to First Nations’ budgets.

    According to a report hosted on the department’s own website, this “2 per cent funding cap was imposed on INAC by the Treasury Board in 1998.” The Assembly of First Nations maintains it’s been in effect since 1996.

    Now, all things being equal, this 2 per cent annual growth in funding makes sense on the face of it, as it’s more or less in line with inflation — i.e, the yearly increase in prices for goods and services in Canada. [1]

    Problem is, in the case of many First Nations, not all things are equal.

    You see, there’s another kind of ‘inflation’ going on within First Nations — a growth in the number of people living in their communities.

    To see what this means in practice requires some number-crunching. For this exercise, we’ll rely on data available for the period of 1996 to 2006. And, for the sake of argument, we’ll make four assumptions:

    1. That the cost of building a house on reserve is $100,000
    2. That total funding from INAC for each First Nation is $10 million/year
    3. That every First Nation has a population of 1,000
    4. That the above 3 figures are for the year 1996

    Ready? Let’s do this!

    Using the Bank of Canada’s handy-dandy inflation calculator, we see that if $100.00 let you buy x amount of goods and services in 1996, to buy those very same goods and services in 2006 would cost you $122.71 (or an extra 22 bucks).

    So if it costs $100,000 to build a house on reserve in 1996, what would it cost to build that exact same house a decade later? Answer: about an extra 22 thousand dollars.

    $100,000.00 > cost to build one house in 1996
    $122,710.00 > cost to build it in 2006, after inflation

    Enter Indian Affairs, whose annual funding increases of 2% roughly kept up with inflation (2.07% for 1996-2006):

    $10,000,000 > overall budget, 1996
    $12,189,944 > budget in 2006 (after 10 years of annual 2% increases)

    That’s the overall budget. Once more for argument’s sake, let’s assume that a fixed percentage — say, 20% — of overall funding was dedicated to housing, like so:

    $2,000,000 > housing budget, 1996
    $2,437,900 > housing budget, 2006

    Now, let’s divide that housing budget by the cost of building a house. It works out as follows:

    20.00 > # of houses you could build in 1996
    19.87 > # you could build in 2006

    Twenty houses in 1996, roughly the same in 2006. Hooray! The system works: INAC funding kept pace with inflation. So as you can see, as long as your community’s population stayed the same, you’d be fine under the 2% funding cap.

    But what if your community grew? Excellent question.

    Recall that, under our scenario, every First Nation had exactly 1,000 residents. According to research from the Assembly of First Nations (AFN), the average First Nations population has grown at a rate of 2.5% a year since 1996. Translation: that 1996 community of 1,000 people would increase to 1,231 people by 2006.

    So where it once had 20 new homes for every 1,000 people, a decade later, it would have 20 new homes for every 1,231 people. Put another way:

    Ratio of houses (20.00) to population (1,000) =
    1 house for every 50 people in 1996

    Ratio of houses (19.87) to population (1,231) =
    1 house for every 62 people in 2006

    More people having to make do with the same resources effectively equals cuts through the back door, masked by an ostensibly growing budget that never really gets bigger in terms of what it can actually buy.

    Now, so far, our scenario has left to the side the much bigger question of whether the existing funding levels were adequate to begin with. Obviously, insufficient increases to what was an already insufficient budget would simply compound the problem.

    And since averages mean by definition that some communities will have a higher than average population growth rate (and others a lower rate), the above-average communities are that much more at risk of running perennial deficits.

    For many critics of Indian Affairs, that’s exactly what’s going on: as ever-growing communities are forced to try and work with an effectively stagnant level of resources, their only recourse is to go in debt. And that’s when INAC steps in, imposing a third-party manager to take control of a First Nation when it’s allegedly guilty of fiscal ‘mismanagement.’

    Seen in this light, one wonders whether it is a system built to fail. One might even go so far as to call it an inherently ‘unviable’ system. So unviable, in fact, some of us end up believing it’s the communities themselves that are entirely to blame.

    And by some of us, I might include the fine folks at the Frontier Centre for Public Policy, who seem to imply that the people who’ve had no say whatsoever in imposing the cap are now somehow responsible for the ever-growing shortfall that cap has created.

    For these Frontiersmen, the solution is oh-so-simple: encourage Indians to just get rid of these so-called ‘unviable’ reserves and have them re-locate near or inside cities instead. But, as I hope this little mathematical exercise has shown, the larger dynamics of the situation make it just a tad more complicated than that.

    Should we choose to look, I think we would see that, while problems can be most readily observed downstream, their true origins are very often found upstream, far and away from public view.

    FOOTNOTE

    1. The reason inflation matters is because of its impact on money’s purchasing power — translation: how much you can buy in real, tangible goods and services with your dollar. When inflation goes up, your money’s purchasing power goes down. For example, if the inflation rate is 2% annually, then, theoretically, a pack of gum that cost $1 this year, will cost $1.02 the next year. Because of inflation, your one dollar can no longer buy the same quantity of goods it could beforehand. This effect is known as a reduction in real purchasing power.

    [Image via denoxis]

  • Indigenous Opposition to Arizona Immigration Law Hot Topic of Debate

    A May 5, 2010 article in Indian Country Today, ‘Arizona law draws widespread indigenous opposition,’ is itself drawing a lot of comments.

    The piece quotes Inter Tribal Council of Arizona director John Lewis:

    “This impacts all indigenous people, and the lawmakers need to know it,” Lewis said. “America’s boundaries are not tribal boundaries.

    Our tribes [e.g., the Tohono O’odham Nation and the Pascua Yaqui Tribe, on and near the U.S.-Mexico border] have much interaction with Mexico, through culture and life, and I’m not sure people realize that there’s an economic impact involved as well.”

    Join the debate!

    [Image via bnet.com]